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Psychological andCommunication ProcessesAssociated With IntergroupConflict ResolutionWalter G. StephanNew Mexico State University
This article examines the nature of intergroup conflicts and some of the psy-chological and communication processes that can facilitate their resolution. Itfocuses specifically on conflicts between individual members of different socialidentity groups and elaborates on the differences between interpersonal andintergroup conflict resolution. It continues with a presentation of the prevailingpsychological conditions that exist prior to attempts to resolve intergroupconflict along with a series of psychological and communication processes thatcan be employed in small group settings to improve the climate for intergroupconflict resolution. It ends by discussing how people can be trained to recognizeand take advantage of the beneficial effects of these psychological and commu-nication processes in small group settings.
Keywords: intergroup conflict; conflict resolution; communication processesin small groups
In our globalizing world, with its international terrorism, ethnonationalconflicts, ethnic cleansing campaigns, massive inter- and intranational
immigration, multicultural workforces, and leisure travel between cultures,intergroup conflict has become a part of the daily lives of more people thanever before. These conflicts come in all sizes, from major wars to differ-ences in opinions between students attending heterogeneous schools.Learning how to more effectively resolve them would improve the lives ofa great many people.
In this article, I examine the nature of intergroup conflicts and some ofthe psychological and communication processes that can facilitate their res-olution. Rather than focusing on large-scale conflicts, which are the domainof foreign relations experts, I will focus on conflicts between individualmembers of different social identity groups, usually those with a history ofconflict. I will begin by elaborating on the differences between interpersonal
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and intergroup conflict resolution. I will then discuss the prevailing psycho-logical conditions that exist prior to attempts to resolve intergroup conflict.Following this section, I present a series of psychological and communica-tion processes that can be employed in small group settings to improve theclimate for intergroup conflict resolution. I end by discussing how peoplecan be trained to recognize and take advantage of the beneficial effects ofthese psychological and communication processes in small group settings.
Differences Between Intergroup andInterpersonal Conflict Resolution
The essence of the difference between intergroup and interpersonal con-flicts is that intergroup conflicts bring social identities into play with all ofthe accompanying group differences in values, norms, and beliefs. Thereare also differences in how these two types of conflicts are perceived, theemotions people experience, and manner in which people behave towardtheir adversaries. Because of these differences, the types of techniques andprograms that can be used to help people resolve intergroup conflicts differto some degree from those employed to resolve interpersonal conflicts.
Intergroup conflicts arise in situations where the interests of members of onesocial identity group are opposed to those of members of another social iden-tity group. Thus, intergroup conflicts involve opposing group interests, not justopposing individual interests. In many cases, the parties to the conflict activelyconstrue the conflict at the group level (e.g., Blacks vs. Whites, Jews vs. Arabs),but in some cases, they may not be aware of the manner in which their groupmemberships are influencing the conflict. For example, the opposing interestsof two parties to a conflict may be shaped by their different racial, ethnic, cul-tural, religious, or gender backgrounds without their being aware of it.
In resolving intergroup conflicts, the primary goal is to achieve a state ofaffairs in which the parties are comfortable with their anticipated outcomes orfuture relationship. To resolve intergroup conflicts, respect for the group-basedsocial identities of the individuals involved must often be taken into consider-ation. In addition, in many instances, the solution must also be perceived asbeing satisfactory to other members of the groups involved. Achieving a satis-factory solution may be further complicated by the fact that the two groupshave different views of what constitutes a satisfactory resolution. Moreover,the two groups may have different ideas about what the appropriate techniquesof resolving conflict are. Because so many additional factors come into playin intergroup conflicts that are not present in interpersonal conflicts, intergroupconflicts tend to be more difficult to resolve.
Prevailing Conditions Prior toAttempts at Conflict Resolution
Intergroup conflicts take place against a backdrop of dissatisfaction,antagonism, and anger, as well as feelings of mistrust, injustice, and lack ofrespect. Intergroup conflicts are also commonly accompanied by a percep-tion that they involve “us” against “them.” Because of group differences invalues, norms, beliefs, and behaviors, intergroup interactions are likely tobe characterized by miscommunications and misunderstandings. Conflictsbetween members of different social identity groups are also freighted withthe baggage of past relations between the groups. At their most extreme,these past relations have been violent, sometimes brutally so. When priorrelations have been adversarial, they will have created strong negative feel-ings such as hatred, rage, fear, helplessness, humiliation, loathing, guilt,defensiveness, and grief. Consequently, members of both groups are likelyto have very negative views of the other group. In addition to prejudice andnegative stereotypes, these views often include delegitimizing and dehu-manizing the other group. As a result, the positions taken by members ofthe other group during conflict resolution will not be regarded as legitimate,and members of both groups may perceive their adversaries as less thanhuman. In fact, members of the other group may be perceived as not evenbelonging in the same moral universe as the in-group. In addition, membersof the other group are very likely to be viewed categorically, and their indi-viduality may be ignored.
One outcome of these negative views of the out-group is that out-groupmembers tend to be blamed for the negative behaviors they engage in, whilesituational explanations for such conduct are ignored (Ybarra, Stephan, &Schaberg, 2000). In-group members may also have difficulty accurately pro-cessing information about members of the other group and tend to ignoreinformation that contradicts their views. Additionally, they may overestimatethe differences in core values between the groups (Chambers, Baron, &Inman, 2006). Expecting the worst from members of the other group can leadin-group members to be suspicious, reserved, and unwelcoming, which isunlikely to elicit a warm response from the members of the other group(Word, Zanna, & Cooper, 1974). In-group members may also be anxiousabout interacting with members of the other group and uncertain how tobehave toward them, leading to awkward social interactions (Stephan &Stephan, 1985). People also have tendency to believe other members of theirin-group share their views. This “intergroup false consensus” effect (Karasawa,2003) may lead people to be intransigent during intergroup negotiations if
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they falsely believe that their positions are supported by most of the othermembers of their group.
Psychological Processes Involved inImproving Intergroup Conflict Resolution
The psychological processes discussed in the next section are all derivedfrom social psychological research into factors that are employed to improveintergroup relations. I have tried to focus on those that are most relevant tosmall group contexts. Basically, there are three types of psychologicalprocesses that can have a beneficial impact on intergroup conflict resolution:affective, cognitive, and behavioral. Although these processes can operateseparately, more commonly they occur simultaneously. These processes donot refer to the substantive issues involved in the conflict, nor do they referto the actual techniques and procedures employed to successfully resolveconflicts. Rather, they can be used to create a climate in which people gath-ered in small groups can come to understand the positions of others, changetheir own positions, and work toward resolving intergroup conflicts.
Affective Processes
Creating emotional empathy may be especially valuable during attempts toresolve intergroup conflicts. Emotional empathy involves the capacity to feelthe same emotions as members of the other group. Empathizing emotionallywith the out-group can lead to a concern for their welfare and more positivefeelings and attitudes toward them (Batson et al., 1997; Dovidio, ten Vergert etal., 2004; Stephan & Finlay, 1999; Stephan, Renfro, Esses, Stephan, & Martin,2005). In particular, empathy for the distress and suffering experienced by out-group members should increase the chances of successful conflict resolution.
Feeling threatened by an out-group may lead to negative emotions, atti-tudes, and behaviors toward the out-group (Stephan & Renfro, 2002;Stephan, Ybarra, & Rios Morrison, in press). Two types of threat are com-monly experienced at the intergroup level: realistic threats and symbolicthreats. Realistic threats consist of threats to the material well-being of the ingroup, such as their economic benefits, political power, and health. Symbolicthreats consist of threats to the in-group’s system of values. Reducing feel-ings of threat can improve the climate for efforts at conflict resolution. Peoplewho are not feeling threatened are more willing to communicate theirfeelings and interests and are more open to discussing the effects the con-flict is having on both groups. When people feel less threatened, they are
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also more likely to accurately process information about the other group and itsinterests and positions. Reductions in threat can be brought about by establish-ing a safe environment during conflict resolution, including establishing clearground rules for social interaction, carefully structuring initial interactions, andemphasizing that people should treat each other fairly and with respect.
Another beneficial affective process may be activated when people becomeaware of the discrepancies between their values and their behavior (Grube,Mayton, & Ball-Rokeach, 1994). During the course of intergroup conflicts,members of both groups have often behaved in ways that violate their own fun-damental values. It may be possible to motivate people to change their attitudesand future behavior by helping them to become aware of the discrepanciesbetween their values and their behaviors. Although the distress and negativeaffect they are likely to feel as a result of confronting such discrepancies maysimply lead them to try to justify their past behaviors, if they can be led to seethat by changing their future behaviors they can reinforce their basic values,they may be more willing to work at resolving intergroup conflicts.
In a related vein, if members of the contending groups believe thatstereotyping the out-group is wrong, they may experience guilt or self-criticism (Devine, 1989; Devine, Plant, & Buswell, 2000). If these individ-uals have a desire to see themselves as unprejudiced, they can learn tosuppress their stereotypes (Monteith, 1993; Monteith, Zuwerink, & Devine,1994) and that should facilitate conflict resolution. In-group members maybe further motivated to resolve conflicts with out-group members to thedegree they experience collective guilt—that is, guilt over the past treat-ment of the out-group by the in-group (Branscombe, Doosje, & McGarty,2002). Similarly, if they feel moral outrage at the past behavior of theirgroup toward the out-group (Dovidio, Gaertner et al., 2004), this too maymotivate them to resolve current conflicts with members of the other group.
During intergroup conflicts, out-groups come to be associated with neg-ative affect. As a result, members of the out-group may come to be feared,disliked, and avoided. If the associations between out-groups and negativeaffect can be modified by providing in-group members with positive expe-riences with out-group members, the prospects of working together towardconflict resolution will be enhanced. Small groups comprising members ofsocial identity groups with a history of conflict are an ideal context inwhich to promote such positive intergroup interactions.
Cognitive Processes
Creating cognitive empathy can lead to more positive attitudes toward the out-group (Stephan & Finlay, 1999; Stephan et al., 2005). Individuals
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experience cognitive empathy when they take the role of another and viewa situation from that person’s perspective. Empathizing cognitively canenable members of both groups to understand the views of the other group,especially their perceptions of the conflict.
Intergroup conflict causes members of both groups to exaggerate the dif-ferences in core values between the groups (Chambers et al., 2006).Correcting misperceptions concerning group differences in core valuesshould enhance the chances of resolving conflicts between groups, in partbecause perceiving others to be similar to oneself increases liking for them(Byrne, 1971; Rokeach, Smith, & Evans, 1960).
The polarization of intergroup perceptions that characterizes intergroupconflict also leads people to view others solely in terms of their group iden-tities. If efforts can be made during attempts at conflict resolution to helppeople interact with members of the other group in terms of their personalcharacteristics rather than their group identities, it should improve relationsbetween them (Brewer & Miller, 1984; Dovidio, Gaertner, Isen, Rust, &Guerra, 1998; Miller, Brewer, & Edwards, 1985) and facilitate conflict res-olution. Personalizing one’s adversaries has the added benefit of undermin-ing the tendency to dehumanize and delegitimize out-group members.
The tendency to interact with their adversaries primarily in terms of theirgroup identities can also be counteracted if people are reminded that they andtheir adversaries belong to multiple social groups that intersect and overlap(Brewer, 2000; Dovidio et al., 1998; Dovidio, Kawakami, & Gaertner, 2000;Hewstone, Islam, & Judd, 1993). Although there may be one group identitydimension along which there is contention (e.g., race), members of the twogroups may share other social group identities, such as age, sex, social class,or social and work roles. If people can be helped to become consciouslyaware of their multiple, cross-cutting identities, it can offset the sharp dis-tinction they are making between the in-group and the out-group.
Furthermore, if the contending individuals can be encouraged to see thatthere are overarching identities that individuals from the two groups bothvalue, these superordinate identities can be employed to unite them in somecommon purpose (Gaertner, Dovidio, Nier, Ward, & Banker, 1999; Gaertner,Mann, Murrell, & Dovidio, 1989), such as resolving their conflicts in the inter-ests of the greater good. Such superordinate groups might include the organi-zation, the community, or a unifying religion. It is important to note thatemphasizing a superordinate identity does not imply that other in-group iden-tities are lost, only that a more all-encompassing identity is added (Gaertner,Rust, Dovidio, Bachman, & Anastasio, 1994).
Behavioral Processes
Research on intergroup contact has demonstrated that there are a numberof factors that promote favorable intergroup relations. The best established fac-tors include cooperation in the pursuit of common goals, equality in the con-tact situation, the approval of relevant authority figures, and contact that allowspeople to get to know one another as individuals (Allport, 1954; Pettigrew &Tropp, 2000). A special benefit of mutual interdependence (cooperation) isthat it encourages people to more accurately perceive others (Fiske, 2000). Allof these factors can usually be introduced into small group contexts.
People are also influenced by the models to whom they are exposed,especially those of higher status (Bandura, 1986). Thus, the behavior ofthird parties who intervene in conflicts is extremely important. Mediatorsand facilitators need to model the same types of behaviors they wish to havethe parties to the conflict display. For small groups dealing with intergroupconflicts, it may be especially valuable to have mediators or facilitatorsfrom both contending groups who can model the types of intergroup rela-tionships they wish to foster.
It may also be useful in small group intergroup conflict resolution set-tings to provide the participants with an opportunity to talk about them-selves, not just the conflict. Such self-disclosures can lead to openness,acceptance, and mutual trust (Derlega, Metts, Petronio, & Margulis, 1993).They can also yield the type of information that leads to empathizing withmembers of out-groups. The beneficial effects of such self-disclosures arelikely to be increased if the ground rules include respectful listening.
Communication Processes Involved inImproving Intergroup Conflict Resolution
There are several communication processes that have emerged fromresearch on dialogue groups that are relevant to improving intergroup com-munication during conflict resolution in small group settings (Nagda,2006). Dialogue groups are a technique of improving intergroup relationsthat entail facilitated discussions between members of two social identitygroups with a history of conflict (e.g., racial groups, cultural groups, reli-gious groups). The goals of intergroup dialogue are to increase intergroupunderstanding and equip participants with the skills to interact withmembers of other groups. Participants are encouraged to express their emo-tions and discuss their reactions to prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimina-tion. Although not all intergroup dialogues explicitly address intergroup
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conflicts, many do. The initial focus of these discussions is typically oncoming to a better understanding of the conflicts, not on resolving them. Later,discussions tend to focus more on joint searches for solutions. The communi-cation processes involved in intergroup dialogues that seem most relevant tointergroup conflict resolution more generally include alliance building, criticalself-reflection, self-engagement, and appreciating differences.
Alliance building involves working through disagreements and buildingtrust. It requires members of both groups to examine and confront their ownbiases and assumptions about the other group. It consists of reaching acrossthe group divide to work collaboratively with members of the other group.In terms of specific communication behaviors, alliance building oftenentails discussing options for action and making commitments to take jointactions. In conflict resolution settings, alliance building would involveencouraging the contending parties to work together toward mutuallyacceptable outcomes and to focus on the fairness of the outcomes of theother group as well as their own group’s outcomes.
Critical self-reflection involves individuals examining their own ideas, expe-riences, and perspectives—often with respect to power inequalities or otherproblematical aspects of relations between the groups. Critical self-reflectionbecomes a communication process when it results in questioning in-group andout-group members about issues such as systems of inequality with a goal ofunderstanding their views. Likewise, when individuals state publically that theyare willing to reappraise their own views, self-reflection has become a part of acommunication process—one that is especially relevant to conflict resolution.
Self-engagement refers to individuals being actively involved in the inter-group interaction through personal sharing, inquiry, and showing their inter-est in others. Importantly, it includes self-disclosure and displaying comfortwith others who are expressing emotions. At times, it may mean being ableto tolerate silence.
Appreciating differences implies that individuals learn from members ofother groups, are willing to listen to their perspectives, and are open to dif-ferent realities. It shows up in attentive listening as well as communicatingacceptive of, and respect for, others.
Practitioners of other small group intergroup conflict resolution tech-niques have identified additional communication processes that can facilitateconflict resolution. For instance, in their problem-solving groups, Kelmanand Cohen (1986) stress the importance of taking an analytical perspectivetoward the conflict. They enjoin participants to try to understand the per-spective of the other group. They also stress the importance of communi-cating in a civil manner. A guiding assumption in their approach is that “the
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interaction between individual participants is a reflection and expression ofthe relationship between their groups” (p. 326). Thus, they process the here-and-now communications between participants in their groups as an avenueto understanding the conflicts between the groups.
Intergroup Conflict Resolution Training
In small group programs designed to improve intergroup conflict resolu-tion, these psychological and communication processes can be taught topotential third party interveners as well as to potential adversaries in inter-group conflicts. To illustrate the applicability of these processes to conflict res-olution training programs, I discuss the Teaching Students to be PeacemakersProgram (Johnson & Johnson, 1995a, 1995b, 1996). The overall goals of thisprogram are to train students to positively negotiate their own conflicts andmediate schoolmates’ conflicts. One of the explicit goals of this training is toimprove intergroup relations. Training is provided every year during this 12-year curriculum. In the beginning of the school year, 20 hours of training aregiven to students in 30-minute lessons during the course of several weeks.Subsequently, students receive at least two 30-minute lessons each week torefresh and refine their negotiation and mediation skills. During the training,each student has an opportunity to serve as a peer mediator an equal amountof time so that all receive the benefits of mediating. This training program isusually accompanied by the creation of a collaborative climate in the schoolthrough the use of cooperative learning procedures.
The initial lessons in the program include defining conflict and dis-cussing why it should be studied, asking the individual students what con-flict means to each of them, and asking students to write down what theydo in conflict situations (Johnson, Johnson, & Bartlett, 1990). Teachers alsouse structured academic controversies to increase students’ reasoning andconflict resolution skills. In structured academic controversies, studentsprepare positions papers on an issue, advocate their positions, and refuteopposing positions. They then rebut their opponents, view the issue fromboth perspectives, and come to a consensus solution based on a synthesis ofthe two positions (Avery, Johnson, Johnson, & Mitchell, 1999). Later in theprogram, the students are introduced to the steps involved in negotiation.The six negotiation steps are as follows: jointly defining the problem asmutual, small, and specific; describing one’s own feelings; describing thereasons for one’s own position; reversing perspectives by presenting theother party’s position; creating options for mutual benefit; and reaching a
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wise decision. Next, the students practice the individual steps and rehearseputting the steps together. The same process is repeated for mediation. Inthis case, students first learn the steps involved in mediation. The sevenmediation steps are as follows: end hostilities, ensure the disputants’ com-mitment to the mediation, facilitate the negotiations, help the disputantspresent their views, help the disputants reverse perspectives, help the dis-putants create options, and formalize agreements. Again, the students prac-tice the steps and experience putting the steps together.
This program relies on presenting and illustrating the elements of conflictcombined with rehearsing the steps to resolve them. If students in this programwere made aware of the psychological and communication processes that canimprove the climate for conflict resolution, they would be more effective inresolving their own intergroup conflicts or mediating the conflicts of others.For instance, if they understood the value of empathy, they would know whythey should be encouraging the adversaries to take each other’s roles. If theywere taught about the destructive effects of feeling threatened and other nega-tive emotions, they would understand why it is important to create a sense ofsecurity for conflict resolution to occur. Similarly, they would be able to moreeffectively promote personalization and superordinate group identities, if theyhad been explicitly taught about these processes. Likewise, they could betaught why it is important to model civility, fairness, and respect. They couldbe trained to take advantage of value/behavior discrepancies, moral outrage,collective guilt, and feelings of compunction to move negotiations forward.They could dispel misperceptions, inaccurate attributions, and false consensuseffects if they knew how to spot them. In addition, they could be taught whyand how to emphasize multiple, cross-cutting identities.
Similarly, if they were aware of importance of communication processes,they could take steps to encourage constructive communication processes,such as alliance building, self-engagement, critical self-evaluation, and appre-ciating differences. For example, they could encourage adversaries in a con-flict to be willing to reappraise their own positions, to share relevant personalexperiences, to learn to appreciate rather than disparage group differences, andto make explicit commitments to work together on joint solutions to the con-flict. Thus, understanding psychological and communication processes canlead to training more effective intergroup conflict resolution experts.
Most of the small group intergroup conflict resolution programs thatcurrently exist do not explicitly incorporate the teaching of psychologicaland communication processes that enhance conflict resolution (see Stephan& Stephan, 2001, for a review of these programs), but there is no reasonthat these processes could not be included in such programs. Adapting theseprograms to include these processes would entail explicitly teaching the
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participants how to incorporate these processes into conflict resolution set-tings. Most conflict resolution programs rely on a mixture of didactic andexperiential pedagogical techniques. There is every reason to believe thatthe types of pedagogical techniques currently used in these programs wouldbe equally effective in teaching the psychological and communicationprocesses that are relevant to conflict resolution. For instance, people canrole-play interventions based on these processes as easily as they can role-play the steps involved in the mechanics of conflict mediation.
In addition to training individuals to be attuned to psychological andcommunication processes in racial, ethnic, or cultural conflicts, it may alsobe beneficial to train them to understand the types of cultural differencesthat contribute to misunderstandings between these types of groups. Oneapproach to doing so is the cultural sensitizer (Brislin & Yoshida, 1994). Inthis approach, specific instances of intercultural relations problems are pre-sented and analyzed to teach the subjective culture different groups.Subjective culture refers to aspects of culture such as norms, roles, values,and beliefs that are often unquestioningly accepted by in-group membersbut typically remain hidden from out-group members. Differences inapproaches to conflict resolution itself would seem to be one of the mostimportant aspects of cultural differences for mediators, facilitators, and par-ties to intergroup conflicts to understand.
Concluding Comments
The list I have provided of psychological and communication processesrelevant to intergroup conflict resolution is fragmentary and incomplete. Itshould, however, indicate the promise of understanding these processes forthe practice of small group intergroup conflict resolution programs. As wegain a better appreciation of these processes, our capacity to train people toresolve intergroup conflicts should be enhanced. That is the promise. Tofulfill this promise, more research and conceptual integration are needed,along with the knowledge gained from actually training people to recognizeand act on their understanding of these processes.
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Stephan, W. G., Renfro, C. L., Esses, V. M., Stephan, C. W., & Martin, T. (2005). The effectsof feeling threatened on attitudes toward immigrants. International Journal of InterculturalRelations, 29(1), 1-19.
Stephan, W. G., & Stephan, C. (1985). Intergroup anxiety. Journal of Social Issues, 41, 157-176.Stephan, W. G., & Stephan, C. W. (2001). Improving intergroup relations. Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage.
Stephan, W. G., Ybarra, O., & Rios Morrison, K. (in press). Intergroup threat theory. InT. Nelson (Ed.), Handbook of prejudice. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Word, C., Zanna, M. P., & Cooper, J. (1974). The non-verbal mediation of self-fulfillingprophecies in interracial interaction. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 10, 109-120.
Ybarra, O., Stephan, W. G., & Schaberg, L. (2000). Misanthropic memory for the behavior ofgroup members. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 26, 1515-1525.
Walter G. Stephan received his PhD in psychology from the University of Minnesota in1971. He taught at the University of Texas at Austin and at New Mexico State University,where he currently holds the rank of professor emeritus. He has published articles and bookchapters on attribution processes, cognition and affect, intergroup relations, and interculturalrelations. He has also authored or coauthored eight books and five handbook chapters, as wellas editing two issues of Journal of Social Issues. In 1996, he won the Klineberg award forintercultural relations, which is given by the Society for the Psychological Study of SocialIssues. In 2002, he won the Allport Award in intergroup relations, which is also given by theSociety for the Psychological Study of Social Issues.
Stephan / Psychological and Communication Processes 41
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